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Archive for March, 2014


Is John Key Rob Muldoon’s doppelganger?

 

By:  – 

John Key morphing to muldoon

Like many other baby boomers I found that my political activism owed a lot to Rob Muldoon.

He was a disgusting figure.  He was a bully, had strong fascist tendencies and was totally clueless on how to run New Zealand.  Our current problems can be traced directly back to the stupidity of a number of decisions that he made.

One of his least endearing characteristics was to denigrate and abuse opponents.  He had a real ability to sense what the average redneck was thinking and to channel this.  The decision to allow the 1981 Springbok tour was a classic example of how he would trash international treaties and obligations, human rights and ferment mass disorder for political gain.

One of his classic one liners was to talk about “rent a crowd” demonstrators, suggesting that those who opposed what he was doing were not genuine but protesting for some ulterior reason or just for the hell of it.

The malevolence of his rule inspired many including myself to become politically active in the hope that we could do our bit to make our political leadership better.

John Key has been recently channelling Muldoon.  This week he described the many thousand protesters who protested against deep sea oil drilling off the West Coast as rent a crowddemonstrators.

Key displays a similar amount of complete confidence in his own abilities and a willingness to abuse opponents that Muldoon displayed.  And he is making decisions that have the potential to undermine New Zealand’s economy and way of life to a degree not seen since the 1970s and 1980s.

It makes you wonder if John Key is Rob Muldoon’s doppelgänger …

Facebook Joke: The farm…

 

  • images (26):yes:Facebook Joke

    A dying grandma tells her grandchild, “I want to leave you my farm. That includes the barn, livestock, the harvest, the tractor, and other equipment, the farmhouse and $24,548,750.45 in cash.”

    The grandchild, absolutely floored and about to become rich says, “Oh grandma, you are So generous! I didn’t even know you had a farm. Where is it?”

    With her last breath, Grandma whispered, “Facebook…”

    You can’t keep anything a secret these days and it’s all because of Faceboo

HB Regional Council puts rail proposal in its draft plan – Gisborne rail link could be restored…

download (1)
Rail proposal put in draft plan
HAWKE’S Bay Regional Council is considering investing close to $5.5 million in re-establishing the Napier-Gisborne rail line as a viable alternative to the transport of freight by road.The line was mothballed in December 2012.

HBRC is considering an investment, with private sector partners, in the operation of a rail business carrying freight on the line.

The proposal has been included in HBRC’s draft annual plan 2014/15, which was adopted at yesterday’s council meeting and will be released for public comment between April 2 and May 12.

Any investment by HBRC would be dependent on KiwiRail and the Government reopening the rail line, and fully funding its return and that of associated infrastructure in a good ‘‘fit for purpose’’ condition.

The proposal would see HBRC become a 51 percent shareholder in the venture, with businesses and investors in Hawke’s Bay and Gisborne holding the remaining 49 percent of shares in the operating company set up for this purpose.

The operating company would acquire locomotives and rolling stock from KiwiRail, or elsewhere, to operate the service. It would carry freight, predominantly logs, fruit and vegetable produce.

Councillor Alan Dick, who is also chairman of the Regional Transport Committee, told the meeting yesterday he was encouraged by the support from fellow councillors to the proposal.

“Northern Hawke’s Bay and Gisborne need appropriate options for rail and road. With choice comes competition and pricing tension, which is good for business,” says Mr Dick.

He says Northern Hawke’s Bay is resource-rich with forestry and crops such as squash and corn, requiring reliable rail access to an export container port. Gisborne’s port would not be affected by the proposal.

“Robust transport infrastructure is positive for Wairoa, with service and employment opportunities such as rail maintenance teams based in Wairoa, as well as the rail storage hub.

“It would offer a transport choice of rail or road and also provide better resilience when responding to civil defence or hazardous events.

“Our understanding is that the forest harvest volume of 90,000 tonnes per year will increase to 900,000 tonnes per year, taking transport volumes up an additional 150 to 180 truck movements per day in a few years.”

HBRC chairman and Wairoa councillor Fenton Wilson said in today’s value the rail line would cost billions of dollars to replicate.

“Let’s not lose it while it is still workable,” he said.

The proposal is within the draft 2014-15 annual plan and the public is asked to comment on whether or not they consider this to be a good investment for HBRC.

http://gisborneherald.co.nz/article/?id=36411

Once again, Australia is stealing its indigenous children…

utopia.JPG

The tape is searing. There is the voice of an infant screaming as he is wrenched from his mother, who pleads, “There is nothing wrong with my baby. Why are you doing this to us? I would’ve been hung years ago, wouldn’t I? Because [as an Australian Aborigine] you’re guilty before you’re found innocent.” The child’s grandmother demands to know why “the stealing of our kids is happening all over again”. A welfare official says, “I’m gunna take him, mate.”
This happened to an Aboriginal family in outback New South Wales. It is happening across Australia in a scandalous and largely unrecognised abuse of human rights that evokes the infamous Stolen Generation of the last century. Up to the 1970s, thousands of mixed race children were stolen from their mothers by welfare officials. The children were given to institutions as cheap or slave labour; many were abused.
Described by a Chief Protector of Aborigines as “breeding out the colour”, the policy was known as assimilation. It was influenced by the same eugenics movement that inspired the Nazis. In 1997, a landmark report, ‘Bringing Them Home’, disclosed that as many 50,000 children and their mothers had endured “the humiliation, the degradation and sheer brutality of the act of forced separation… the product of the deliberate, calculated policies of the state”. The report called this genocide.
Assimilation remains Australian government policy in all but name. Euphemisms such as “reconciliation” and “Stronger Futures” cover similar social engineering and an enduring, insidious racism in the political elite, the bureaucracy and wider Australian society. When in 2008 Prime Minister Kevin Rudd apologised for the Stolen Generation, he added: “I want to be blunt about this. There will be no compensation.” The Sydney Morning Herald congratulated Rudd on a “shrewd manoeuvre” that “cleared away a piece of political wreckage that responds to some of its supporters’ emotional needs, but changes nothing.”
Today, the theft of Aboriginal children – including babies taken from the birth table – is now more widespread than at any time during the last century. As of June last year, almost 14,000 Aboriginal children had been “removed”. This is five times the number when ‘Bringing Them Home’ was written. More than a third of all removed children are Aboriginal – from 3% of the population. At the present rate, this mass removal of Aboriginal children will result in a stolen generation of more than 3,300 children in the Northern Territory alone.
Pat (not her real name) is the mother whose anguish was secretly recorded on a phone as four Department of Child Services officials, and six police, descended on her home. On the tape an official claims they have come only for an “assessment”. But two of the police officers, who knew Pat, told her they saw no risk to her child and warned her to “get out of here quick”. Pat fled, cradling her infant, but the one-year-old was eventually seized without her knowing why. The next morning a police officer returned to apologise to her and said her baby should never have been taken away. Pat has no idea where her son is.
Once, she was “invited” by officials to bring her children to “neutral” offices to discuss a “care plan”. The doors were locked and officials seized the children, with one of the youngest dragging on a police officer’s gun belt. Many Indigenous mothers are unaware of their legal rights. A secretive Children’s Court has become notorious for rubber-stamping removals.
Most Aboriginal families live on the edge. Their life expectancy in towns a short flight from Sydney is as low as 37. Dickensian diseases are rife; Australia is the only developed country not to have eradicated trachoma, which blinds Aboriginal children.
Pat has both complied with and struggled bravely against a punitive bureaucracy that can remove children on hearsay. She has twice been acquitted of false charges, including “kidnapping” her own children. A psychologist has described her as a capable and good mother.
Josie Crawshaw, the former director of a respected families’ support organisation in Darwin, told me, “In remote areas, officials will go in with a plane in the early hours and fly the child thousands of kilometres from their community. There’ll be no explanation, no support, and the child may be gone forever.”
In 2012, the Co-ordinator-General of Remote Services for the Northern Territory, Olga Havnen, was sacked when she revealed that almost $80m was spent on the surveillance and removal of Aboriginal children compared with only $500,000 on supporting the same impoverished families. She told me, “The primary reasons for removing children are welfare issues directly related to poverty and inequality. The impact on families is just horrendous because if they are not reunited within six months, it’s likely they won’t see each other again. If South Africa was doing this, there’d be an international outcry.”
She and others with long experience I have interviewed have echoed the Bringing them Home report, which described an official “attitude” in Australia that regarded all Aboriginal people as “morally deficient”. A Department of Families and Community Services spokesman said that the majority of removed indigenous children in New South Wales were placed with indigenous carers. According to indigenous support networks, this is a smokescreen; it does not mean families and is control by divisiveness that is the bureaucracy’s real achievement.
I met a group of Aboriginal grandmothers, all survivors of the first stolen generation, all now with stolen grandchildren. “We live in a state of fear, again,” they said. David Shoebridge, a State Greens MP told me, “The truth is, there is a market among whites for these kids, especially babies.”
The New South Wales parliament is soon to debate legislation that introduces forced adoption and “guardianship”. Children under two will be liable – without the mother’s consent – if “removed” for more than six months. For many Aboriginal mothers like Pat, it can take six months merely to make contact with their children. “It’s setting up Aboriginal families to fail,” said Shoebridge.
I asked Josie Crawshaw why. “The wilful ignorance in Australia about its first people has now become the kind of intolerance that gets to the point where you can smash an entire group of humanity and there is no fuss.”

Follow John Pilger on twitter @johnpilger

http://johnpilger.com/articles/once-again-australia-is-stealing-its-indigenous-children

Sick writer fights for beneficiaries…

Sarah Wilson'

HUMILIATED: Chronically ill Nelson woman Sarah Wilson’s dealings with WINZ have left her feeling frustrated and depressed.

Related Links

Terror and humiliation – just another day with WINZ

A Nelson woman is putting her health on the line to fight for the rights of her fellow beneficiaries.

Chronically ill writer Sarah Wilson is fighting against the welfare system she finds “frustrating, depressing, anxiety-inducing, dehumanising and debilitating”.

She had enlisted the help of Nelson Labour MP Maryan Street who read Ms Wilson’s accounts about her dealings with Work and Income and agreed there needed to be “change from the top”.

Ms Wilson was calling on other beneficiaries to send her their stories about dealings with Work and Income, which Ms Street said she would use to campaign for change.

Ms Wilson had been writing about her dealings with the Nelson branch of Work and Income since she went on a sickness benefit a year ago. She had to stop working as she developed a debilitating, chronic illness. She was moved to the Job Seekers benefit after the major welfare reforms last year.

However, Ms Wilson said her dealings with Work and Income showed legislation was not working and the culture at Work and Income offices was “dehumanising”.

A recent post on her website, writehanded.org had made waves over the past week where she has written about her dealings with the Nelson Work and Income office.

The piece, titled “Terror and humiliation – just another day with WINZ“, caught the attention of MPs, fellow beneficiaries and advocates across New Zealand. It has had about 30,000 views so far. Her website usually gets about 2500 hits a week.

In it she described how over the past year she has received the disability allowance, but this came up for review last month. She was asked to provide evidence and documentation that she still needed it. This included doctor, food and prescription receipts. She said getting this documentation was difficult but she did her “absolute best” to get them.

However, her allowance was reduced, as she was not able to provide enough documentation to hold on to it. The proof that she had previously supplied was not in the system. Her appointment at Work and Income to sort it out left her frustrated and in tears.

“While I cried, the WINZ worker I was talking to stopped what he was doing, and clapped.”

He was clapping as part of a new initiative where the office will applaud if a beneficiary finds work – an initiative Ms Wilson called “horrifying” and “insensitive”

After publicly voicing her frustrations on her website, she was given another appointment where her case manager worked through all her entitlements. She was also met at the door by the regional director of WINZ, Wendy Chisnall, and offered an apology about the service she received.

However, Ms Wilson refused to accept it, and was inspired to fight for change for other beneficiaries who were too sick to fight themselves.

“We shouldn’t have to fight so hard to get support we are entitled to.”

Ms Chisnall did not respond to direct questions on this issue.

In a statement she wrote: “The service provided to Ms Wilson did not meet our usual standards.

“We have apologised for this and have taken steps to put things right. We have kept Sarah informed about what we have done to rectify the situation.

“Our staff work hard to provide a quality service in Nelson and to support people in need. I am proud of the good work they do.

“If anybody has concerns with the service they have received I encourage them to contact us directly.”

Ms Wilson said she had already received plenty of negative feedback for standing up for the rights of beneficiaries, with people telling her if she is well enough to fight then she is well enough to work.

“Before I went to hospital I was working from my bed, with a bucket next to me when I threw up. That’s how much I wanted to keep working.”

She was well aware of the stigma attached with being on a benefit. “It’s an awful feeling”.

“The work I have been doing is of great personal cost to me. I am making myself vulnerable, sharing things about my own case.”

However, she felt the fight was worth it.

“People are sending me their stories. I am going to collaborate them as evidence that I don’t stand alone.

“Everyone has a story, they are just not all written down. People have a chance to be heard.

“I have a loud voice, not a lot of people do. If people feel disparaged and disenfranchised and they want to be heard then I will hear them.”

She said she could not promise change, but hoped her efforts would spark people to want to see changes in the way beneficiaries were treated.

That change needed to come from the top, from government policy she said.

“The case managers are working within the policy, the policy is the problem.”

Ms Street had been following Ms Wilson over social media and met with her last week over her blog posts that had gained so much attention.

“I do feel for many of the case managers,” Ms Street said.

“The pressure they are under is both unrealistic and inhuman.

“Having said that, I think there is a real need for this particular service to have another look at itself. I’m sure it’s not their wish to trample over people like Sarah.”

She was working with Ms Wilson to collect other stories on other perceived Work and Income failings.

She said there was something “systematically wrong” with the service across the country.

“The solution has to come from the top – a change in culture – and there needs to be a change of policy.

“You can’t beat people off their benefits and into work, you have to support people.”

She was also “deeply disturbed” about the clapping initiative.

“That does not reinforce good behaviours, it exposes everyone else in the office who isn’t getting applause to greater feelings of worthlessness than they already had when they walked in.”

Ms Street had hoped to meet with Work and Income Nelson this week but was awaiting confirmation.

Acknowledgements:   © Fairfax NZ News

http://www.stuff.co.nz/nelson-mail/news/9861110/Sick-writer-fights-for-beneficiaries?fb_action_ids=10151899347261652&fb_action_types=og.likes&fb_ref=uu%3D6199fea8337747e6b03c794733ca0d05%3As%3DshowShareBarUI%3Ap%3Dfacebook-like

http://writehanded.wordpress.com/2014/03/13/fuck-winz-yes-i-said-it/

 

 

Another stolen generation: Claims that Australia is still wrecking Aboriginal families

The mass removal of Indigenous children from their parents continues unabated, claims John Pilger..
Poor Aboriginal rural community - Australia

Most Aboriginal families live on the edge. Their life expectancy in towns a short flight from Sydney is as low as 37. Photograph: David Gray/Reuters

The tape is searing. There is the voice of an infant screaming as he is wrenched from his mother, who pleads, “There is nothing wrong with my baby. Why are you doing this to us? I would’ve been hung years ago, wouldn’t I? Because [as an Aboriginal Australian] you’re guilty before you’re found innocent.” The child’s grandmother demands to know why “the stealing of our kids is happening all over again”. A welfare official says, “I’m gunna take him, mate.”

This happened to an Aboriginal family in outback New South Wales. It is happening across Australia in a scandalous and largely unrecognised abuse of human rights that evokes the infamous stolen generation of the last century. Up to the 1970s, thousands of mixed-race children were stolen from their mothers by welfare officials. The children were given to institutions as cheap or slave labour; many were abused.

Described by a chief protector of Aborigines as “breeding out the colour”, the policy was known as assimilation. It was influenced by the same eugenics movement that inspired the Nazis. In 1997 a landmark report, Bringing Them Home, disclosed that as many 50,000 children and their mothers had endured “the humiliation, the degradation and sheer brutality of the act of forced separation … the product of the deliberate, calculated policies of the state”. The report called this genocide.

Assimilation remains Australian government policy in all but name. Euphemisms such as “reconciliation” and “Stronger Futures” cover similar social engineering and an enduring, insidious racism in the political elite, the bureaucracy and wider Australian society. When in 2008 prime minister Kevin Rudd apologised for the stolen generation, he added: “I want to be blunt about this. There will be no compensation.” The Sydney Morning Herald congratulated Rudd on a “shrewd manoeuvre” that “cleared away a piece of political wreckage in a way that responds to some of its own supporters’ emotional needs, yet changes nothing”.

Today, the theft of Aboriginal children – including babies taken from the birth table – is now more widespread than at any time during the last century. As of June last year, almost 14,000 Aboriginal children had been “removed”. This is five times the number when Bringing Them Home was written. More than a third of all removed children are Aboriginal – from 3% of the population. At the present rate, this mass removal of Aboriginal children will result in a stolen generation of more than 3,300 children in the Northern Territory alone.

Pat (not her real name) is the mother whose anguish was secretly recorded on a phone as four department of child services officials, and six police, descended on her home. On the tape an official claims they have come only for an “assessment”. But two of the police officers, who knew Pat, told her they saw no risk to her child and warned her to “get out of here quick”. Pat fled, cradling her infant, but the one-year-old was eventually seized without her knowing why. The next morning a police officer returned to apologise to her and said her baby should never have been taken away. Pat has no idea where her son is.

Once she was “invited” by officials to bring her children to “neutral” offices to discuss a “care plan”. The doors were locked and officials seized the children, with one of the youngest dragging on a police officer’s gun belt. Many Indigenous mothers are unaware of their legal rights. A secretive children’s court has become notorious for rubber-stamping removals.

Most Aboriginal families live on the edge. Their life expectancy in towns a short flight from Sydney is as low as 37. Dickensian diseases are rife; Australia is the only developed country not to have eradicated trachoma, which blinds Aboriginal children.

Pat has both complied with and struggled bravely against a punitive bureaucracy that can remove children on hearsay. She has twice been acquitted of false charges, including “kidnapping” her own children. A psychologist has described her as a capable and good mother.

Josie Crawshaw, the former director of a respected families’ support organisation in Darwin, told me: “In remote areas, officials will go in with a plane in the early hours and fly the child thousands of kilometres from their community. There’ll be no explanation, no support, and the child may be gone forever.”

In 2012 the co-ordinator general of remote services for the Northern Territory, Olga Havnen, was sacked when she revealed that almost A$80m (£44m) was spent on the surveillance and removal of Aboriginal children compared with only A$500,000 (£275,000) on supporting the same impoverished families. She told me: “The primary reasons for removing children are welfare issues directly related to poverty and inequality. The impact is just horrendous because if they are not reunited within six months, it’s likely they won’t see each other again. If South Africa was doing this, there’d be an international outcry.”

She and others with long experience I have interviewed have echoed the Bringing them Home report, which described an official “attitude” in Australia that regarded all Aboriginal people as “morally deficient”. A department of family and community services spokesman said that most removed Indigenous children in New South Wales were placed with Indigenous carers. According to Indigenous support networks, this is a smokescreen; it does not mean families, and it is control by divisiveness that is the bureaucracy’s real achievement.

I met a group of Aboriginal grandmothers, all survivors of the first stolen generation, all now with stolen grandchildren. “We live in a state of fear, again,” they said. David Shoebridge, a state Greens MP, told me: “The truth is, there is a market among whites for these kids, especially babies.”

The New South Wales parliament is soon to debate legislation that introduces forced adoption and “guardianship”. Children under two years old will be liable – without the mother’s consent – if “removed” for more than six months. For many Aboriginal mothers like Pat, it can take six months merely to make contact with their children. “It’s setting up Aboriginal families to fail,” said Shoebridge.

I asked Josie Crawshaw why. “The wilful ignorance in Australia about its first people has now become the kind of intolerance that gets to the point where you can smash an entire group of humanity and there is no fuss.”

www.johnpilger.com

http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/mar/21/john-pilger-indigenous-australian-families

http://time.com/19431/australian-child-protection-accused-of-repeating-sins-of-stolen-generations/

Just where is the Malaysian plane?

JUST WHERE IS THIS PLANE MALAYSIA MH370…

6757161955_f7720584e3_o-crop

Of course they want to find this plane and those passengers on board. The waiting families and friends want closure too.

But I get a funny feeling that there is more to it than meets the eye here? Just what was aboard this aircraft that has resulted in an almost unprecedented international hunt?

http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/live-missing-malaysia-plane-flight-3

Elderly and disabled tenants included in state housing reviews…

 

All state house tenants, regardless of age or disability, will find themselves subject to the government's new policy of reviewing state house tenancies. Photo / APN

All state house tenants, regardless of age or disability, will find themselves subject to the government’s new policy of reviewing state house tenancies. Photo / APN

More than one in five of the first 780 state house tenants facing possible eviction under a new Government policy will be elderly or disabled.

A paper taken to Cabinet last month by Housing Minister Nick Smith and Social Development Minister Paula Bennett reveals that the two ministers have decided not to exempt the elderly and disabled from the new policy of reviewing all state house tenancies, ending the previous policy that a state house was “a home for life”.

The full paper, placed on the Social Development Ministry website last week included a detailed breakdown showing that 20 per cent of the first batch of tenants to be reviewed would be 65 or over and 27 others would be “permanently and severely disabled”.

The paper was later removed and an edited version was subsequently posted with the breakdown of affected tenants deleted.

You can read the full cabinet paper here.

The controversial policy is intended to “shift expectations away from social housing for life to social housing for the duration of housing need”. It takes effect after the Social Development Ministry takes over allocating social housing from Housing NZ on April 14, and the first affected tenants will be notified before the end of next month.

 

“Reviewable tenancies will be undertaken with common sense and care. To ensure this, the bill includes a provision to enable ministers to identify groups of people, such as vulnerable elderly or disabled tenants, who will not be subject to tenancy reviews.”

Housing Minister Nick Smith, Nov 7, 2013

 

As expected, the ministry has been told to start by reviewing 780 of the 5447 state tenants who are already paying within $50 a week of the estimated market rent for their homes.

The other 63,187 Housing NZ tenants pay rents fixed at 25 per cent of their incomes. They now appear unlikely to be affected by reviews because ministers have decided against putting all tenants on fixed three-year tenancies, instead targeting those who can afford to move into private housing because they are already at or near market rents.

Legislation passed last year allowed ministers to exempt vulnerable groups from reviews, and Dr Smith said in November that those could include “vulnerable elderly or disabled tenants”.

 

“The initial target groups proposed for reviewable tenancies include approximately 27 households with tenants receiving the Supported Living Payment because they are permanently and severely disabled…. Twenty per cent (136) of primary tenants [in the initial group] are likely to be aged 65 or over.”

– Nick Smith and Paula Bennett in Cabinet paper released last week

 

But Ms Bennett said that Cabinet had decided “not to formally exclude any groups of people from reviewable tenancies”.

“We want to learn more about people’s circumstances through the process before we make any final decisions about what groups should be formally excluded from consideration,” she said.

“The review ensures that elderly and disabled tenants are in the right housing for them. This includes being able to re-allocate these people to more appropriate social housing.

“A common sense approach sensitive to the needs of these tenants will be taken. Unless there is more appropriate social housing for disabled or elderly people, the review process will be fast tracked. No disabled or elderly people will be asked to quit state housing and obtain private housing in the coming year unless they are actively willing to do so.”

However the Cabinet paper outlines a process of “active engagement” with affected tenants to help them find a new home, which is expected to take “at least six months” – but with a 90-day eviction notice for tenants who are judged not to need social housing and have not moved out.

“The process needs to be backed up by the ability for providers to terminate a tenancy if [the ministry] determines that the household could clearly sustain private housing, but refuses to take steps to do so,” it says.

“This is a last resort, and no households would receive notice to end a tenancy without significant engagement and support to find alternative housing.”

Labour housing spokesman Phil Twyford said he wanted “a cast-iron guarantee from the ministers that they will protect the elderly and disabled and families with children”.

Acknowledgements:   NZ Herald

Milford Sound

Milford Road - scenic journey from Te Anau to Milford Sound, Fiordland National Park. You can stop on several places and have a walk or just to take a picture.
www.newzealandphoto.info
Milford Road - scenic journey from Te Anau to Milford Sound, Fiordland National Park. You can stop on several places, have a walk or just to take a picture.
www.newzealandphoto.info
Milford Road | flowering rata trees | Scenic journey from Te Anau to Milford Sound, Fiordland National Park. You can stop on several places and have a walk or just to take a picture.
www.newzealandphoto.info
Milford Road - scenic journey from Te Anau to Milford Sound, Fiordland National Park. You can stop on several places and have a walk or just to take a picture.
www.newzealandphoto.info

The journey is the goal – One of the most incredible and frequently overlooked features of Milford Sound is the journey to get there. The Milford Road belongs between the most beautiful New Zealand’s scenic routes. We suggest that you plan your return trip from Te Anau. It can easily take a whole day, especially with several photo stops and short walks. Or you can stay overnight in Milford Sound, Gunns Camp, Knobs Flat accommodation or to use one of several DOC campsites. The road was started during the Great Depression in 1929, but it was not completed until 1953.
RAISE YOUR VOICE, STOP RUINING OUR WORD HERITAGE, SIGN THE PETITIONS to stop monorail: http://chn.ge/13F8COR

A massive state house building program needed for at least 15 years…

 

Privatisation is still on National’s agenda, and Winston opposes them. The so-called ‘Social Housing’ changes to state housing as the only provider, is an indicator that National wants out of public housing. It will privatise state housing gradually by selling off thousands of state housing units. National’s 2008 policy which has not officially changed, is to replace a house for everyone sold. National sold off at least 15,000 houses during the Bolger/Shipley era. These have not been replaced. Thousands more state houses are given to immigrants and refugees. NZ citizens are having to wait in line, many living in garages and sub-standard houses.The government should supply immigrants and refugees houses bought from the private sector – not from Housing NZ stock. Labour/Greens will need to initiate a state house building program for the next 15 years to get house numbers up to speed, and to provide low interest mortgages for first home buyers.

This house building program will create jobs as well. Foreign labour may be necessary until an apprenticeship scheme can train tradesmen needed for the building program. A few more Irishmen may be needed in the short term.